First Published By: The Guardian
WARNINGS OVER THE UNFAIRNESS OF CUTS TO CHILD BENEFIT AND OTHER PAYMENTS ARE SIMPLY BEING IGNORED BY THE GOVERNMENT
The government is wobbling over
its child benefit cut, but problems with the detail were exposed from the
off. David Cameron recently went on the record to acknowledge
that his plans to snatch child benefit from higher-earners could
create rough justice around the edges – edges he is keen to get smoothed.
The
first thought this stirs is the stark contrast between the prime minister's
concern with top-rate taxpayers and the abject disregard for the millions of
poorer households who will be hit by wider social security cuts.
Last week the reversal of seven
separate Lords government defeats over welfare were rammed through the
Commons: closely-argued points that peers had made about protecting
vulnerable people were simply swept away. But the coalition's prioritising of
the comfortably-off is now well familiar. The second thought about the child
benefit wobble, exposed last week by the Institute for Fiscal Studies, is
more instructive. Namely, the breezy lack of concern with getting the detail
right. As Robert Joyce – the institute's research economist – put it, the
precise problems that are suddenly nagging at Cameron were apparent from the
off.
The first – in Cameron's phrase –
is "a cliff edge". A modest pay rise that just pushes a parent into
the top bracket will leave them worse off, as they suddenly lose a payment
worth £1,750 a year for a parent of two, or more for bigger families. Cameron's
second concern is being unfair to families with one breadwinner. A parent on
£45,000 with a stay-at-home partner loses everything, whereas a couple on
£40,000 a piece – or £80,000 in combination – will keep the benefit.
The good news is that these snags
are, in principle, soluble. The cliff edge could be smoothed by withdrawing
benefit gradually as income rises. And there could be a switch from individual
to joint family income assessment by merging child benefit into
the tax credits. The bad news is that the policy becomes
effective next year – and to get such modifications right, there needs to be
time to think them through. The latter option, for instance, would represent a
U-turn for a coalition that has been hacking away at tax credits; it would confuse
broader welfare reforms if it were not melded properly with these.
Having worked in Whitehall, I
feel sure officials would have spotted these problems and warned ministers
before the policy was set. But even if the civil service failed on this occasion,
the IFS flagged up both issues on the very day the policy was announced – and
yet ministers initially paid no attention. These ignored problems, remember,
affect families on decent wages, most of whom will vote. It seems a safe bet
that problems with myriad other reforms affecting the marginalised will not be
on the ministerial radar. Half-baked replacements for the social
fund and for Council Tax benefit are
only two examples of disasters waiting to happen.
The bigger fear, perhaps,
concerns the software systems that are meant to start paying the universal
credit from next year: glitches could sink the policy. Whispers about this
abound in Whitehall but, so far, are only rumours. Certainly, the failure to
think through a child benefit cut for the middle classes inspires no confidence
about how policy will be implemented when it comes to the poor.
No comments:
Post a Comment
I support Council Tax Rebates in assisting home owners and tenants in getting a rebate on their over-paid Council Tax.