First Published By: The Guardian
Warnings over the unfairness of cuts to child benefit and other payments are simply being ignored by the government
The government is wobbling over
its child benefit cut, but problems with the detail were exposed from the off. David Cameron recently went on
the record to acknowledge that his plans to snatch child benefit from
higher-earners could create rough justice around the edges – edges he is keen
to get smoothed.
The first thought this stirs is
the stark contrast between the prime minister's concern with top-rate taxpayers
and the abject disregard for the millions of poorer households who will be hit
by wider social security cuts.
Last week the reversal of seven separate
Lords government defeats over welfare were rammed through the Commons: closely-argued
points that peers had made about protecting vulnerable people were simply swept
away. But the coalition's prioritising of the comfortably-off is now well
familiar.
The second thought about the
child benefit wobble, exposed last week by the Institute for Fiscal
Studies, is more instructive. Namely, the breezy lack of concern with getting
the detail right.
As Robert Joyce – the institute's
research economist – put it, the precise problems that are suddenly nagging at
Cameron were apparent from the off.
The first – in Cameron's phrase –
is "a cliff edge". A modest pay rise that just pushes a parent into
the top bracket will leave them worse off, as they suddenly lose a payment
worth £1,750 a year for a parent of two, or more for bigger families. Cameron's second concern is being
unfair to families with one breadwinner. A parent on £45,000 with a
stay-at-home partner loses everything, whereas a couple on £40,000 a piece – or
£80,000 in combination – will keep the benefit.
The good news is that these snags
are, in principle, soluble. The cliff edge could be smoothed by withdrawing
benefit gradually as income rises. And there could be a switch from individual
to joint family income assessment by merging child benefit into the tax credits. The bad news is that the policy
becomes effective next year – and to get such modifications right, there needs
to be time to think them through. The latter option, for instance, would
represent a U-turn for a coalition that has been hacking away at tax credits;
it would confuse broader welfare reforms if it were not melded properly
with these.
Having worked in Whitehall, I
feel sure officials would have spotted these problems and warned ministers
before the policy was set. But even if the civil service failed on this
occasion, the IFS flagged up both issues on the very day the policy was
announced – and yet ministers initially paid no attention.
These ignored problems, remember,
affect families on decent wages, most of whom will vote. It seems a safe bet
that problems with myriad other reforms affecting the marginalised will not be
on the ministerial radar. Half-baked replacements for the social fund and
for Council Tax benefit are
only two examples of disasters waiting to happen.
The bigger fear, perhaps,
concerns the software systems that are meant to start paying the universal
credit from next year: glitches could sink the policy. Whispers about this
abound in Whitehall but, so far, are only rumours.
Certainly, the failure to think
through a child benefit cut for the middle classes inspires no confidence about
how policy will be implemented when it comes to the poor.
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